Open to the Public Speaker s: Hamzawy studied political science and developmental studies in Cairo, The Hague, and Berlin. After finishing his doctoral studies and after five years of teaching in Cairo and Berlin, Hamzawy joined the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Washington, DC between and as a senior associate for Middle East Politics. Inhe joined the Department of Public Policy and Administration at the American University in Cairo, where he continues to serve today.
Stephen Zunes 8 February Those who were expecting a quick victory are no doubt disappointed, but successful People Power movements of recent decades have usually been protracted struggles. Despite the natural subsidence of dramatic demonstrations on the streets of Cairo and other Egyptian cities, as many protesters return to jobs and catch their breath, there is little question that the pro-democracy struggle in Egypt has achieved lasting momentum, barring unexpected repression.
As with other kinds of civil struggles, a movement using nonviolent resistance can ebb and flow. Those who were expecting a quick victory are no doubt disappointed, but successful People Power movements of recent decades have usually been protracted struggles.
Most successful unarmed insurrections against authoritarian regimes take a much Struggle for democracy in egypt time, but they usually take weeks or months rather than days.
As of this writing, the Egyptian protests have only been going for two weeks. It took ten weeks of struggle in East Germany during the fall of before the Berlin Wall came down. It took three months before the first student demonstrations in Mali and the downfall of the Traore dictatorship in Indeed, the pro-democracy movement in Tunisia which many credit as having inspired the Egyptian uprising took nearly a month, and they are still struggling to ensure that the end of the Ben Ali regime will also lead to real democracy.
Millions of Egyptians, in direct defiance of emergency laws banning public demonstrations, have taken part in pro-democracy protests. A remarkable cross-section of Egyptian society was visible in these demonstrations in Cairo and other cities across the country: The movement has also provided cover and legitimacy for opposition political figures who would have otherwise been jailed or ignored.
Equally importantly, the movement has forced the United States and other western governments to end their unconditional support for the regime and press for Mubarak to step down. Specifically, the demonstrators have forced Mubarak to renounce plans for re-election or to have his son run in his place, making him a lame duck.
They have forced the government into negotiations with representatives from the opposition. Above all, events of the past couple of weeks have changed Egyptian society.
German anthropologist Samuli Schielkewho was present at the demonstrations, observed that the sense of unity and power experienced by the protesters in Tahrir Square and elsewhere is necessarily transient. It will be an experience that, with different colourings and from different perspectives, will mark an entire generation.
For what has happened in both countries is that the structures of a police state have been challenged and found, to the surprise of many, to be weaker than imagined. A combination of paternalism and repression by the regime had fostered an atmosphere of apathy and cynicism.
Now, however, a whole new generation has been empowered and the regime, with its feet to the fire, realizes more significant changes are necessary if they are going to survive. The movement will have to think strategically as to how it might be able to achieve victory.
A recent article on these pages by Maciej Bartkowski and Lester Kurtz compares the Solidarity movement in Poland, which was able to force the Communist regime to negotiate a series of compromises which eventually led to multi-party democratic elections in which the Communists were defeated, with the youthful pro-democracy activists on Tiananmen Square during that same period whose all-or-nothing demands failed to budge the regime and resulted in a massacre and the crushing of the movement.
Sometimes a movement will have to be temporarily satisfied with a series of relatively minor concessions, declare a partial victory as a testament of their power and the vulnerability of the regime to pressure, then regroup for another round of public resistance and demands, and continue this process until the government has given away so much they no longer effectively rule.
What makes this more feasible in the Egyptian case than perhaps in other movements that have so far been unsuccessful, as in Iran, is that the Egyptian Army has plainly been unwilling to engage in general repression. This seems to have created a viable political space for the movement, where effectively none existed before except through the internet and organizing out of sight of the authorities.
It is also important to recognize that successful unarmed insurrections against dictatorships have usually engaged in a multiplicity of tactics other than the mass demonstrations and multi-day sit-ins.
The dramatic events of recent weeks have illustrated that for democracy to come to the Arab world, it will come not from foreign intervention or sanctimonious statements from Washington, but from Arab peoples themselves.
Mubarak and his enablers have lost their long primacy in Egyptian affairs and it is doubtful that either he or his vice-president Omar Suleiman, the notorious former head of military intelligence, will be able to regain it.
Supplanting the regime with a legitimate government that emerges from free and fair elections will be no easy task. But the most important steps, the dissolution of the status quo and the empowerment of the people, have already been accomplished.
About the author Stephen Zunes is a professor of politics at the University of San Francisco, where he coordinates the Middle Eastern Studies program, and co-chairs the academic advisory committee for the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict.Lebanese tourist sentenced to 8 years for insulting Egypt in Facebook video Woman posted 10 minute video after Cairo vacation saying she was sexually harassed, calling Egypt ‘country of pimps.
Struggle For Democracy In Egypt And Libya. Egypt, in terms of democracy, is limited. Superficially it contains all the basic requirements of a democracy: a parliament, a president and regular elections.
However, "elections do not a democracy make." In Egypt's sordid past it has been occupied, reoccupied and moreover controlled by .
Publisher of academic books and electronic media publishing for general interest and in a wide variety of fields. The Struggle for Middle East Democracy. The struggle for Arab democracy had been internationalized.
At the height of international interest in the first ‘Arab Spring,’ Egypt. Choose the Right Synonym for contention. discord, strife, conflict, contention, dissension, variance mean a state or condition marked by a lack of agreement or harmony.
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Governments around the world are dramatically increasing their efforts to manipulate information on social media, threatening the notion of the internet as a liberating technology, according to Freedom on the Net , the latest edition of the annual country-by-country assessment of online freedom.